Games with Models, 7/8/20 Data
Today’s data release from the state brings more non-dramatic continuation of trends.
Today’s data release from the state brings more non-dramatic continuation of trends.
Police officers injured during Black Lives Matter protests and riots were statistical scenery, in contrast to those hurt while tamping down the scourge of personal fireworks displays.
As nationwide deaths move COVID-19 toward loss of its “epidemic” status, Rhode Island continues to see improvement.
If it’s true that white people are becoming “uncomfortable in their whiteness” for the first time, it’s a fabricated phenomenon that is not healthy for our society.
The number of new COVID-19 cases in RI was higher today than it’s been, but the number of tests was up, and we’re still under 100.
We’ll see where this goes, but it remains entirely plausible to expect that cases will continue on the increase while serious cases and deaths continue to decline in Texas, while Rhode Island continues on its positive trends.
The U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling on Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue was obvious and opens the way for more educational opportunity, which is especially needed during the COVID-19 era.
We long for meaning, but progressive relativism has revivified paganism as an abstract and all-extinguishing ideology.
There is a lot of talk about how facts and science are not matters of opinion, but with a large gap between what the facts show and the claims being made on that basis.
If you were trying to sow division and promote civil unrest (and maybe civil war), you would promote the narrative of these CNBC headlines.
Democrat Governor Gina Raimondo claims that she makes her decisions based on facts and science, but her restrained move to Phase 3 COVID-19 reopening shows that to be a false pretense.
Department of Health employee Lisa Camuso provides an update after her Wednesday meeting with Dept. of Health and Dept. of Administration officials related to her appearance on In the Dugout with Mike Stenhouse.
As the world of COVID-19 news focuses on increased positive tests in Florida and Texas, Rhode Islanders should take not of other interesting (and telling) results.
One hundred years after the Klan scare in Rhode Island, it’s about time for an effective defense to guilt-by-(accusations-of)-association attacks to be found.
The story of today’s COVID-19 data release for RI is one of revision. Numbers came in above my projections, but that’s largely because earlier data was revised up.
In our times of turmoil, if we place what’s going on in the proper context, the solution becomes obvious (albeit not easy).
Rhode Island’s COVID-19 data is coming up to some milestones, and the conversation should start to transition to following economic recovery.
Generally, the trends toward COVID-19 improvement continue in Rhode Island… despite people out and about, following the governor’s rules or following her demonstrated practices.
If RI data is relevant, loosening the economy is not associated with increased COVID-19 problems, although medicine is becoming frighteningly politicized.
Part of the explanation for why new legislation retroactively blesses anything local chief executives have done to change their budget processes can be found in the East Bay.
It has now been two weeks since the large rally in Providence, including the governor’s naked-faced prayer session in the midst of the crowd.
Notions of independent thought and familial authority are quickly becoming illusions, contingent upon the official authorization of powerful progressives.
Today’s data report is the first since early April that shows fewer than 1,000 “active”cases, defined with the assumption that the average case lasts 14 days.
The chart of hospitalization projections for this post is extended out to the end of July, by which time the model shows essentially none.
If Rhode Island had taken an approach of masks, hygiene, and social distancing, it isn’t absurd to think the toll of the disease could have been reduced, while also limiting the amount of collateral damage to our economy and to our lives.
At this point, Rhode Island’s COVID-19 situation is improving so rapidly that adherence to minimum space between each stage of reopening is coming to seem obstinate.
And… we’re back down to double-digit daily new cases of COVID-19 in Rhode Island, according to today’s data release.
Nationally, the narrative seems to be leaning toward a post-rally/riot return to fear of COVID-19, but in Rhode Island, the daily update is pretty humdrum.
Trends in Arizona shouldn’t be taken as the warning sign for Rhode Island some insist it is, and RI isn’t in a position to be lecturing AZ, anyway.
Without commenting on the substance of any particular policy proposal, it can be noted that, in the state of Rhode Island, the number of sworn officers on a police force is frequently determined by the police union contract. This seems to be the case in Providence, according to a Projo article by Mark Reynolds…
The tentative agreement with the Providence lodge of the Fraternal Order of Police also includes some new language on staffing levels. The language basically requires the city to maintain a staffing level of at least 435 positions. If staffing falls below that level, the city would compensate officers with additional sick days.
So whatever “defund the police” means in a Rhode Island context, will it mean that the local police union has to directly approve any major policy and budgeting shifts covered by their contract, or will the powers-that-be in Rhode Island come around to challenging the idea that major public policy changes can be vetoed by an organization not democratically selected by the people?
And if it is the latter, will there be an explanation of why police unions are different from other public-sector unions?
It has been argued in this space that allowing union contracts to be a major constraint on state and municipal government decision-making creates a democratic accountability problem, but many Rhode Island leaders were content to ignore this, when they could pretend the issues were mostly fiscal and could be reduced to choices between cuts to existing programs and tax-increases. Well, the issues around policing that government must address right now are much bigger than fiscal ones, and the problems of dealing with them with less-than-democratic governing structures can no longer be ignored.